POMPONIUS GAÜRICÜS DE SCULPTURA. I. DE SCULPTURA FROM POMPONIUS GAURICUS WITH INTRODUCTION AND TRANSLATION RELEASED FROM HEINRICH BROCKHAUS, LEIPZIG: FOREWORD. JL / ie writing by Pomponius Gauricus ,, De sculptura **, which is available here in a new edition, has historical literature find. She was already the writer of the sixteenth Century, in whose first years it was created and would often be searches used. So it wasn't a to remember eaten book. However, he it seemed necessary, a book whose use so far was arduous and therefore only a part of the results, that she was able to deliver, really brought to light, to explore each other and it in comfortable edition too to offer further research. Despite repeated The extensive use of the font is public the lack of page numbers in the first and the rarity all expenses have always been a hindrance ". With a mere reprint of the long-known one Latin text would, however, be art research in our case little was served. The heavy VI Foreword. rather, the emphasis had to be on exploration and explanation the views expressed by the learned writer be placed, their apparently chaste interpretation often only after long wavering. The self-employed Form of a coherent introduction, which the clarifying parts was given with the intention of helping him the philosophical faculty of the University of Leipzig as Submitting your habilitation thesis will hopefully also now after • the union of the same with the main part, which consists of text and a recent translation exists, only benefit the whole. And the out look at the achievements of predecessors and contemporaries des Gauricus, which are mentioned in the investigation above Perspective occupy a larger room than downright was necessary to serve the endeavors time on this important for the entire art Areas in which Gauricus also wanted to intervene clearly increase. A major problem, which I may not completely overcome as I wished from the fact that the geometric auxiliary figures, which the author, especially when dealing with perspec- problems, described in the text and in manual scripts probably also executed in all previous editions are missing. Because a real understanding of the relevant places without figures, however, not possible is, so I had to try to remedy the shortage. I did this to the best of my ability and also believe, partly, as in Figure 3, to have made the right decision partly at least to have come close to him, but musa but confess that I am correct in the figure 4 constant doubts. I would be happy if it was in Should succeed in the future, but still open the manuscript Foreword. VII find and then my reconstructions through the effective to the figures originating from the four-barrel hand replace. ^ ^ i In the absence of the manuscript, maybe the same after the book was printed, the new edition the original edition (i5o4 in Plorenz seemed) to be the basis. I have the text of the same exactly in the places where other editors have made changes. Because there is, I mean, no G * and before, on page 120, Line 19, the "certorum" in "cerdonum", at the beginning of Page 242 the "et architectus ligno modulus" in "et archi- tectus ligneo modulo "as the first in the dated 1542, the latter in 1701. I only deviated from the original in the following points gave way: in the structure of the otherwise pretty broken text in paragraphs; in the dissolution of the cuts and omission of the accents (so that “assi- dentis species est "for" assidetis spes e "and" a puero "for "Ä puero ** was printed); finally in the elimination the misprint, under which I also accent and similar mistakes in the interspersed Greek words, so- like the occasional lack of punctuation that arises at the end of the line by jumping off when printing, inside half of the line explained by too narrow a position of the words, expected. For the rest, I have from the editor the principle of the original edition, position to be reproduced literally, i.e. with of the many large letters and the numerous Commas instead of points, so as not to involuntary modernization of the text change the context of the sentences. About the author himself and the position which VIII Foreword. takes up his writing in literature, as well as on the various I have different editions of the same at the beginning of the introduction, which I therefore refer to here can refer. The new edition of this publication closes in the Art history published in recent years References to the material about which the Art history has been significantly enriched and have refined. May it serve its purpose like this: to make it easier for researchers to find an older, tried and tested font Use to offer what about the art of the Renaissance and a number of artists providing diverse information gives. Leipzig, December i885. HEINRICH BROCKHAUS. CONTENT. page Foreword '. * Introduction i Life of Pomponius Gauriciis 2 The writing "De sculptiira" 7 I. Sculpture art and sculptor 13 IL symmetry 21 in. Physiognomics 3 ^^ IV. Perspective 32 V. imitation 5 ^ VI. The bronze cast 59 VII. The other types of sculpture 69 Vm. Famous sculptor 7i De sculptura. Text and translation 9? Foreword by the editor from 1504 94 Beginning of "De sculptura" 96 (I. Sculpture and Sculptor) 98 (IL symmetry) 130 (III. Physiognomics) 152 (IV. Perspective) 192 (V. imitation),. 218 (VI. The bronze casting) 222 (VII. The other types of sculpture) 240 (VIIL Famous Sculptor) 244 Directory of persons 260 INTRODUCTION. Those who historically assess and appreciate older works of art Above all, wants to try to get into the world of thought that it originate, set back. Just responding to the art The views in which the creative artist lives leaves us hope its. Achievements to meet him with reliable, not to be measured with changing modern standards: for this Fundamentally, art research in particular requires extensive coverage Literature knowledge. The art-theoretical writings that come with it come into consideration before everyone else, is already through the contained in them news about artists and art technology, with which they step aside the documentary records, one excellent place secured among the sources of art history. But they also receive another peculiar feature interpretation by showing us the aspirations of the artists as well the demands that the educated have among their contemporaries placed on them, reveal more clearly than the ambiguous works of art can do it. How tireless the 15th century at the solution new problems posed on all possible Areas worked, and what the results were the writings of Leon Battista Alberti and Leo nardo's. A completely different time in which you loved to be in pleasant conversation about sculpture and painting speaks from the Italian dialogues covering the middle decades belong to the 16th century. Still different views soon represent Vasari and Lomazzo: they do not see any solved problems more in front of them, rather realized that art to the highest degree of perfection that they can achieve can, has already thrived. The three groups of writers mentioned - with whom the The richness of Renaissance art literature, however, by no means Gauricus. v 2 Introduction: Life of Pomponius Gauricus. is exhausted - take the art of its time for granted from very different points of view, depending on the diversity of the acquired education and contemporary culture. Pomponius Gauricus, the The author of "De sculptura" was neither a real artist like those of the first and third groups, still fiction like those the second, but exclusively scholar. In the view therefore he approaches his subject at most to the great scholar Alberti, while talking to the other art writers we led, fem stands. Let us first look for his life course to visualize. Life of Pomponius Gauricus. . Gauricus was a Neapolitan. He came from Giffoni in the area from Salemo, where in the eighties of the 15th century derts, probably 1432, was born. * His place of birth is located to the east, Monte Gauro, to which the name sounds like his family, just west of Naples, near Pozzuoli. From his father, who lived near Barletta around 1493 Found death, he got the taste for humanistic studies, which he devoted himself eagerly. Obwol from the birth of southern Italians, owed he obviously had his education in Northern Italy, especially Padua. Because both his youth poems and scripture point to us here about the sculpture. The former, of which not quite nineteen years old, i.e. around 1501, were later found in one Paduan Patricier, who earns a lot for the Gauricus family should have made in custody. And the font "De sculptura" is dressed in the guise of a dialogue that takes place in Padua and lets us see how busy traffic Gauricus is with the ^ This time determination is the words of the 5th quay. Sept. 1526 dedication from the edition of his poems: one wished to add to the 29 elegies are some epigrams, 3 sylven and 4 eclogues, “jam diu in tenebris reconditas, from D. autem Gaspare Dundo de Horologiis patricio Patavino de Gauricis semper benemerito lustris jam quhtque peractis delitiose admodum servatas. . . Suscipe igitur Munificentissime Princeps Munusculum hoc nostrum Pomponii inquam Gaurici Praeceptoris tui Versiculos Patavii ante 19, aetatis suae anmim editos. "About his place of birth see page 5, note 2.. Home, studies in Padua, writing time for "De sculptura". 3 prestigious circles of artists and scholars in Padua. ^ The most important sculptors of that time in the Venetian country, TulHo Lombarde and Andrea Riccio, whom he also Severo da He called his friends at least equal to Ravenna. While he was subject to scientific studies, he used how he says, from adolescence, every hour of musing to to practice wall art. He set up his own in his apartment Studio, which he gave the Greek name "Agalmatourgion", and made by Calpurnius, the connoisseur of Greek poetry a portrait bust, the fate of which, unfortunately, is investigated deprives. ^^ The philosopher Nicolaus Leonicus Tomaeus, a man of great reputation in his science, of course more than known of an antique collection and valuable paintings, shines next to the philologist Raphael Regius on the young man to have had a strong impact. Both are the beginning of the scriptures "De sculptura" introduced in speech. As the writing time of this document, in which we have before us the main work of the Gauricus the year 1503 at the latest, since the author in the final sentence says he is now leaving to go to Calpurnius, who is in the year mentioned died; starting them much earlier forbids them Mention of Leonardo's "Last Supper" and even more the youth of the author. Gauricus dedicated his writing to the Duke Er- cole I of Ferrara, who is the only prince who is still old Wise susceptibility to all kinds of efficient achievements Tag put ^, was gladly chosen for such homage. she was published on December 25, 1504 in Florence by the Filippo publishers Giunta *, with a foreword by the editor, Antonius Placidus, which this first edition is dedicated to Lorenzo Strozzi * P. Especially p. 12, 73, 82. 2 The tomb of Tiraboschi ("Storia della letteratura italiana", 1795 fg., Vol. VI, p. 985 fg.) 1503 Giovanni Calfumio died in the Church of S. Giovanni di Verdara in Padua, on which there is a stone bust by the sculptor Antonio Minello de 'Bardi (after Pie- trucci, "Biografia degli Artisti Padovani" built only 15 12). 3 This judgment is spoken by Matthaeus Bossus in the 211th letter of his second letter- collection from ("Familiäres et secundae Matthaei Bossi epistolae", Mantuae 149 8). * Bandinius, "De Florentina Juntarum typographia", Lucae 1791, Vol. I, P. 124; Vol. II, p. 15. I * 4 Introduction: Life of Pomponius Gauricus. and testifies to the interest shown in Florence. Just three weeks later in January 1505, the duke died. From the In the next few years we will have no news about Gauricus. We know neither when he left Padua nor when and under what circumstances life he returned to his old home. In Padua he will initially stayed a few more years, otherwise it would be difficult Andrea Alciati, born in 1492, would have been his pupil there can. As we learn from his brother Lucas, he worked for a time also in the Vatican library in Rome and led the later bishop Frater Honoratus Monachus Sancti Pauli (born 1502) into the elements of Greek. In Later he worked in Naples as a teacher at the university ^ and Preceptor of the young Ferdinand von Salemo (born 1507) who together with his wife from Gauricus for twelve years Lessons in Greek and Latin received and under his eyes to an educated, clever, and the scholar well-disposed princes grew up. ^ Its printed there in 1526 Elegies show it to us as a soft, excessively self- conscious poet who pondered over the Deepened the ground of all things to deepen the infidelity of the beloved eaten, and, in order to win them as prey, in Italy want to move out raging war. The Posilipp is the site of his deepest grief. He asks the muses to put his grief in this To sink the sea and exhorts his brother to give him a huge one Tomb, erect that the pyramids of Memphis still protrude, have his portrait in several places and the approaching ones Schiffer through a widely visible inscription in front of the fatal full bank of Naples should warn where the cruel lover Poet Gauricus gave an undeserved death. The poet who ventured into such high-flying fantasies, it wasn't stupid the one to receive an unadorned tombstone. * Lucae Gaurici Geophonensis Episcopi Civitatensis "Tractatus Astrologicus", Venetiis 1552, fol. 2 ^ 2 ^ ®, 47, 73, 118. * Tafuri, "Istoria degli scrittori nati nel regno di Napoli", tonio III, part I, pag. 231. ^ Lucae Gaurici "Tractatus Astrologicus **, fol. 47; F. Leandro Alberti Bolognese, "Descrittione di tutta Italia", Bologna 1550, fol. 174. In Padua, Rome, Naples. Biography of Jovius. 5 A biography gives us information about its end, which Paulus Jovius describing his museum of famous men and which follow here in translation in abbreviated form may, because in every sentence it contains interesting things about life and of our author offers: ^ “From Giffoni, a pretty town in the province Salemo ^, the brothers Gau- 'Paulus Jovius, "Elogia doctonim virorum", LXXV. - Giraldi says about him only: "Pomponius Gauricus Neapolitanus cum varia eruditione libellos edidit, tum carmine multa perscripsit. Eclogas scilicet elegias et epigrammata, quae etsi lasciviuscula ac molliuscula videntur, non sine genio camouflage aliquo et Venere censentur "(Lilii Gregorii Gyraldi Ferrariensis" Dialoghi duo de Poetis nostrorum temporum «, Florentiae 1551, p. 52). * The initial words are: "Argivae Junonis Fanum, quod est Picentinorum nobile oppidum. ** They need explanation because no place has this name leads. The Neapolitan literary historian Toppi ("Biblioteca Napolitana", 1678, P. 254) and Tafuri ("Istoria degli scrittori nati nel regno di Napoli", tomo III, parte I, pag. 231) believe that those whom they consider to be erroneous signed view to find that the Gauricus brothers in Fano were born. But for their part they are wrong. Because Fano can from Jovius should not be meant at all because it is not in the Picentini area, but in which the Piceni lies and was called Fanum Fortunae. The Picentini, of which he speaks were the old inhabitants of the Neapolitan Principate, the current one Salemo Province, and the Temple of the Argivian Juno stood in ancient times not far from Palestine: according to Pliny on this side of the Sele river in the area of ​​the Picentiner, after Strabo beyond it (see Raphael Volaterrani “Commen- tariorum Urbanorum "liber VI, fol. 85 ^ ® the edition of 1506, and F. Leandro Alberti, "Descrittione di tutta Italia", fol. 175 ^ ®). So here, according to Jovius, is the Looking for birthplace of the two gauricus. And that is generally Giffoni viewed for this on the basis of the grave script of the Lu cas Gauricus. Of course, there is no definite evidence that Giffoni, whose Name from Geofanum, that is Jovis Fanum, has ever boasted that to be old Argivae Junonis Fanum. But since the area is the right one Name has similarity, and at that time one derived name was not very scrupulous, so. is no doubt that Jovius really meant by that term Giffoni. The aforementioned grave script, in S. Maria Maggiore located in Rome reads: “Lucae Gaurico Geophonensi Episcopo Civitatensi obijt the VI. Martij MDL Villi vixit annos LXXXTI Mens. XI This XXII D. D. Sebastianus Bene in casa geophones. et Octavianus Canis Bonon. heredes ex testamento B. M. P. "Giffoni are two places, which i kilometers are far apart and about 1.5 kilometers east of Salerno, 28 kilometers north of the Sele estuary at the foot of Monte Accelico 6 Introduction: Life of Pomponius Gaiiricus. ricus: Lucas, who, as experienced people, often presents the future with luck astronomers speaking at the court of Pope PauFs III. admire, and Pomponius, a not infamous poet who is fiery in spirit also in various fields of knowledge of admirable value Fertility was, which, however, torn away by inconsistent instincts, in Overview and tracking of everything new in all areas Accuracy and diligence, as well as the advantage of constant learning miss Hess. He competed with Petrus Crinitus, the writer of a book on Latin poets, biographies the Greek poet written in Latin; further a script with dual content on physiognomics and architecture. ^ He also wrote a volume on dealing with metals where the nonsensical crowd of curious falls - there are people who think that you can gold and silver by void artificial decoctions from common Create and produce fabrics. Also some epigrams and Elegies, unambiguous signs of being in love, are in the Come public. Because, as you know, he has one high-class woman loved and his grief in tactless verse like that careless and violent breath that he after one on the sorrentine road to Castellamare whom people met and greeted him on the way, did not come out at all. In vain his brother Lucas had been hoping for his return for sixteen years. He will certainly fall victim to the aroused suspicion and, with no trace of the murder left, sanmit servant and dishes were thrown into the nearby sea. " By 1530 at the latest, Pomponius Gauricus had to die. men, because this biography was written before 1547 He has at most reached the age of 43 and was against lie. They were nicknamed Sei Casali and Vallepiana (see the work “L'Italia sotto Taspetto fisico, storicö, letterario etc. ", parte prima: Amato Amati," Dizio- nario corografico ", Milano, Casa editrice Dott. Vallardi, where the population by Giffoni Sei Casali in 1861 to almost 4000, that of Giffoni Vallepiana to more than 6000 inhabitants, and those belonging to parte terza "Atlante", according to which the distances are determined above of both Giffoni the birthplace of the brothers ^ Gau ricus remains to be decided. 1 It should read: physiognomics and sculpture. Biography of Jovius. Portrait of the Gauricus. His writings. 7 20 or 21 years old when he wrote his work "De sculptura" Dates of his life, year of birth and death, length of stay in southern, northern and central Italy, we are never explicitly supplies, so that we can only approximate them with the help of combinations could determine. We owe what we know occasionally Remarks in the works of the two brothers Gauricus and the Biography of Paulus Jovius. But Jovius offers us more than these welcome clarifications. '' His scholarly biographies, in which he is true patterns created a concise picture of life, he had chosen one Introducing his museum, an extensive gallery of famous ones To form men. Holding on to that thought, he made A portrait of the person in front of every biography. That too The front view of the Gauricus is on us get this way. He appears here as a man in his thirties Years, his face by the strong full beard and a crooked seated broad beret is half covered; he bows his head little to the side and points with the right hand to a described one Book resting on his left arm. The font "De sculptura". Gauricus wrote several writings: on Greek and Latin literature, about the sculpture and about the properties ten of the metals. * Although some of us only from mentioning the Jovius are known, so leave it on his widely ramified 1 We give a list of his writings here. The following are printed: Pomponii Gaurici Neapolitani de sculptura, Florentiae, VIII. Cal. January. MDIIII, Pomponii Gaurici Neapolitani Elegiae XXIX, Eclogae IUI, Sylvae III, Epygrammata, with dedication: Venetiis, 5th Cal. September 1526. Tafuri, "Istoria degli scrittori nati nel regno di Napoli", tomo III, part I, pag. 231 fg., adds: Hamnonius (= Ammonius) in quinque voces Porphyrii per Pomponium Guaricum Neapolitanum, Venetiis per Jo. Baptistam Sessani, 1 503, g Introduction: The font “De sculplura **. Close studies and have a closer look at the writing "De sculptura" confirms the judgment Jovius made about him: he was lively in spirit and very versatile but too unsteady to De arte poetica, Romae apud Valerimn Doncum 1541 (by Graesse in the "Tresor de livres rares et precieux", 1862, quoted as: "Commen- tarins in Artem Poeticam Horatii et hc ^ s Poeticae Epilogus ", Romae apud Doricos, 1541). Furthermore, in 1509 some other poems were made in Strasbourg El ^ en attributed to Cornelius Gallus printed with the following postscript of the Jo. Bapt Rhanmusius: "Lector quot has Cor. Galli poete, relliquias I ^ eris, Pomponio Gaurico, adolescenti optimo, gratias habeto "and with an epi same content. The writings mentioned by Paulus Jovius are unprinted: Graecomm Poetarum Vitae, De Metallicis. The indication of literary handbooks that the writing “De sculptura ** is earlier when in Florence in Pesaro, "Pisauri penes Hieronymum Soncinum, 1504 '', will be based on an error. She goes to Nicolo Toppi, , 3ihlioteca Napolitana (1678) '^ back, which cites two editions on p. 254, one in Pesaro 1504 at Soncinus, the other in Florence 1508 be printed. lionardo Nicodemo corrects this notification from his predecessor in the "Addizioni copiose alla Biblioteca Napolitana di Toppi * 'to the effect that the Florentine edition has the date 1504, but avoids over ^ to pronounce the alleged Pesaro edition. The following are known from reprints of the font "De sculptura": Antverpiae 15 28, Norimbergae 1542, Ursellis 1603 in: Joannis from Indagine “Introductiones apotelesmaticae in. Physiognomiam, Complexiones hominum, Astrologiam naturalem, Naturas Planetarum ", Antverpiae 1609, together with writings of Demontosius and Gorlaeus, Argentorati 1622 ,. Amstelodami 1649, excerptally included in the Vitruvius edition des Joannes de Lact, * Lugduni Batavonim 1701 in: Gronovius' „Thesaurus Graecarum anti- quitatum ", vol. IX. For a while I hoped to find the manuscript of the scripture, since Napoleone Pietrucci in his "Biografia degli Artisti Padovani", Padova 1858, p. 47, himself quoting Gauricus' words about Andrea Riccio on “De claris sculptoribus MS ". But thanks to the special love worthiness of the royal. Librarians in Padua, Professor Marco Girardi, I am pleased to report that as little as at the time of Jac. Phil. Tomasini \ Value and content of the writing. 9 to the bottom of the many he was interested in go. So for his time he would undoubtedly have been restricted can do even better in a narrower area. But for us has extensive work like his much larger work Werth as a scientifically higher special work, because it gives us an overview of a wider field. How much the Gauricus wants to spread as far as possible We'll see if his knowledge was to be done when we first consider the train of thought that he adheres to in "De sculptura" and thereby make it clear to us in which areas we are dealing with him Appreciation of his accomplishments. Even the first sentences show us the author as real Humanists. In the name of the Prince of Ferrara, to whom he Dedicated to writing, Hercules, he finds an important linguistic with the word heros and he immediately takes the opportunity true, the bearer of this name in a flattering comparison I bring with the Hercules of antiquity. Nothing, he says then could be more appropriate to pay the prince his highest adoration act as the sending of this writing on the sculpture, because no one in front of him had this noble and immortality able to write measured art. Following Cicero's example, he chooses his treatise the form of a dialogue that will soon be transformed into a lecture. While he is spending the summer in Padua, Regius is with him to visit. You start a conversation about the sculpture and they continue when Leonicus joins them in the studio. In the introductory section, Gauricus now proves the ("Bibliothecae Patavinae manuscriptae publicae et privatae", Utini 1639) Manuscript des Gauricus in one of the Paduan libraries, and that Pietrucci the Gauricus certainly only from the Citaten des Temanza, Jacopo Morelli and Gonzati know who fail to exert pressure to mention expressly, and in which the misleading expression finds: "scritto sul cominciare del secolo sedicesimo". Some of the poems are already in the first years of the 16th Hundreds have been printed, two eclogs as an appendix to the Florentine edition from "De sculptura", 1504. In the only Exem- plare of the complete edition of the poems, Venice 1526, unfortunately the missing belong to the "Annotatiunculae" of Catossus, printed in Naples in 1523 which refers to the dedication of the poems. IC introductory: ing: the script ^ De scn] ptiira '*. high value of this freest of all arts and the close connection, : n »the more naturally they stand with the AN sciences. With a few Words touches the question of the origins of sculpture, by bringing the first beginnings of it back to the request, beyond the memory of people in the memory of the night to get living. In detail, he explains that the sculptor, quite apart from his skill in technology, also one must have extensive education because it goes without saying couldn't thank anything he didn't understand. So after the more general preparatory examinations are finished, he tackles his real task, whose Solution he undergoes in a series of individual examinations He believes, considering the close relationship of all types sculpture, the only difference in the material left, treat the one type, the most difficult, of metal art to be limited. According to him, metal art ("yXu91X1q, sculptura") breaks down into that Bustle ("aYorpcxi, ductoria") and in the casting ("^^ TjjxüciJ, fiisoria"). The hustle and bustle is divided into the drawing ("ypa9un], designatio ") and the soul (" ^^ X ^ »animatio"). The drawing is characterized by symmetry, physiognomics and perspective true, a long section of which is discussed This is followed by a few comments about Position, movement and rest. The soul of the image, which belongs to the hustle and bustle, besides the drawing, happens through the Imitation ("jxtjXT ^ at ^, imitatio"), on which the sculptor can be satisfied at all. The casting, which as the second type of metal art is the goings-on was associated with the production of the forms and to do with pouring the metal. The latter in particular Execution is carried out precisely and with a description of the possible of the metal This is followed by information about the molding in Clay, plaster, wax and powder, more damaging about mending Positioning, smoothing and coloring of the pictures, ciseling and making email, as well as making, models liren and the other species not yet treated by him the sculpture. Scripture content. Similar writings by other authors. 1 1 Finally, we get a directory of the most famous sculptor in which the ancient Greeks and Romans of course not missing, but to our advantage the greater emphasis on the enumeration and characterization the newer master lays. The richness of the program that Gauricus Drafted his writing can already be seen from this crowded Recognize content overview sufficiently. Some of the objects are in the same thing, which goes beyond the scope of the topic seem to be coming. But we will also become the author for that Too much he offers us, do not fail to thank, if only our knowledge of the Renaissance always new and worth knowing adds. For processing his object, which after all For completeness, Gauricus had to first created, since no work of similar content lay. Because the only one who gives him fame, the first on his Areas could have been in dispute, Leon Battista Alberti, in his tractate "De statua" did not action ■ strived for, limited to a few versions, but the are equally valuable to us. It is also difficult ^ weighted that Alberti's tract was still unknown at that time because / ^^. he did so much later, in the second half of i6. Year- / * ^^ ^ hundreds that was printed. In general, the writing of Gauricus ^ i before all previously written art theoretical writings Exception from Alberti's work "De re aedificatoria", the earlier version public advance. Alberti's and Leonardo's manuscripts were only accessible to a few when Gauricus's writing “De sculp- tura "had already found widespread use strikingly few in the Renaissance as a whole As far as we know, writers turned to the field of sculpture is, before Cellini only Alberti and Gauricus, as well as in the restriction on the metal casting Porcello de'Pandoni. ^ So if Gauricus didn't know Alberti's tract, either and has used, the whole does not follow from this Lack of preparatory work that he did for the individual parts of his 1 p. Page 62 fg. 12 Introduction: The font "De sciilptura". Scripture could consult. With every humanist one becomes must assume that when writing any work. I looked for clues in ancient works, and when it did turns out to have exploited the elderly, if possible, so you will not be allowed to blame him. The up It was the humanists' opinion that the sciences would only be allowed to open again the height to which antiquity had brought them, and then continue to educate them from there. Even the work of the Gauricus brings forgotten theories back to the day, summarized and rejuvenated to deliver the new age. The but more of the parts dealing with art practice Old age more independent, if not completely independent, and teach us about the technical uses of the Renaissance artist. After the writing of Gauricus appeared in Florence in 1504 it was shut down twice in the course of the 16th century. half of Italy, in the Netherlands and Germany and they were also kept in the following two centuries several reprints worthy. ^ But it also deserves in our Time for special reasons for more than one reason, not just as Source for the history of the artist, but especially as a permanent textbook of art technology. The communication with those two older scholars who ricus to his lecture as (though rarely speaking) witnesses aptly describes the direction in which his studies have taken. One of them, Raphael Regius, which Eras- three years later as a tall, youthful looking man describes who despite his seventy years and the severe winter cold the Greek lectures of the Musurus every day at 7 a.m. Visiting Greta is Quintilian's deserving commentator, too known from an argument with Calpurnius. The other, Ni colaus Leonicus Tomaeus, who lived his long life in domestic Seclusion, only devoted to studies, far from noisy Ambition satisfied was the first Italian to win the Aristotle in Padua interpreted Greek, a thorough connoisseur Peri " patetic and academic philosophy, "vir unus omnium doc- ^ See the note on page 8. Relationship to Regius and Leonicus. 13 tissimus, piissimus ". ^ Their fields of knowledge include the old ones Writers, on whose research Gauricus continues, under In her eyes, he likes his successful studies to have. He is probably familiar with Plato and Aristotle, as well as with Quintilian, whom he often Pattern takes. Like him, he loves to put Greek words in his To let speech flow in, the prose by quoting verses to decorate, and according to his advice he goes to division of his writing, first about art, then about Artist, and finally talks about the artwork. ^ The individual sections into which his writing is divided are not externally identified by him; the disposition of the whole, however, is so clear that it is easy for us to do the same hereinafter for the purpose of separate discussion from each other to separate. I. Sculpture art and sculptor. It is a great praise that Gauricus does to sculpture let them be when he approaches them in the task Equating sciences, expresses their belonging to them, without, of course, a formal increase in the number of the same seven to eight to understand. ^ He says his claim by points to the famous works of Greek artists justifying that 1 About both s. Tiraboschi, "Storia della letteratura italiana" (1796), Vol. VI, P. 980 fg., Vol. VII, p. 386 fg., About Leonicus whose life in the “Elogia doctorum virorum "by Paulus Jovius, XCI. * Quinctilianus, "De institutione oratoria", ex. II, cap. XIV says: "de arte, de artefice, de opere dicamus. "Gauricus tacitly follows this advice. 'The latter thought, which Regius stimulates here, spoke at the time e.g. Belly Gianfiloteo AchUlini in his "Viridario ** from that of Caivi (" Memorie della vita e delle opere di Francesco Raibolini ", 181 2, p. 52) Job: "Fra Parti liberali e la Pittura, Sit se voglion yourself, questa e 1 'ottava. " Plinius, XXXV, 10 (36) 77 points out: Pamphilus had enforced that in Greece "reciperetur ars ea (pictura) in primum gradum liberalium". t 14 Introduction: I. Sculpture and Sculptor. even the most important writers are never in high regard would have stood as the sculptor. A comparison he made between doing the work of both falls entirely in favor of the latter from: “The writers work through words, but the sculptors through deeds; those tell, but they form, unfold; those tear not always the spoiled sense of hearing with them, this but they are also good for the eyes and tie people up as if a magnificent spectacle. " According to this, we involuntarily await the saying of Simonides to see and adapted to the present case: “Simo- nides "(we read from Plutarch)" of course declares painting to be one silent poetry, the poetry for a talking painting. Because the same Acts that the painters show as happening tell and describe the words as done. But if the painters with colors and shapes, the poets with words and phrases represent the same, so they differ in the substance and in the way of imitation, but the same goal applies to both, and among the writers, the best will be his, his Narrative like a painting (wOTCsp yg (X (f> rf ^) mediates affecten and 'People figuratively. "^ It would certainly be interesting live this saying in modern art theory- to pursue more closely. What Simonides had said was 15th century humanists knows, especially his initial words sound in their utterances several times again: as in Alberti's verdict on uniformity good frescoes and good stories ^ as well as in general ^ The importance of this position requires you to cite it in the original text: „7tXT) V ^ SlfJKdVlSlQ ?, TT) V fJllv t ^ (» iypOi (pL (X. ^, TToClQCJtV CJtCOTCCO (JaV TtpOCJaYOpEUWV, TY) V 8k Tuo ^ TQatv, ^ () i> Ypa9Cav XaXoCfaav. a? "yap ot ^ (nypdfpoi TTpctJet? äi ^ yvio \ i.ha ^ 8et- xvuouat, TauTa? ot Xdyot yzye ^ r \\ j.i'ia ^ ÖtTQYoOvTat. xal 0) jyypd ^ st enim, ut scis, inter Pictores, ac Poetas magna quaedam affinitas. Neque enim aliud est pictura, quam poema tacitum "etc. 'In his “Trattato dell' arte della pittura, scultura ed architettura ", Book IV, Cap. 2, just by the way:" Onde soleva dire alcuno, che la poesia era una pittura parlante, e la pittura era una poesia mutola. "In addition we find that saying in the “Discorsi del reverendo Monsignor Fran- cesco Patritii Sanese "(Italian translation, Vinezia, Aldus, 1 545) in the last Chapter of the 1st Buchs, which deals with painting and sculpture. ^ "UXy] xal xp ^ TCOt? fxtfxiQaeci) ^ Sta ^^ pouai, "Already Marlianus (" Urbis Ro- mae topographia ", 1544, p. 79) finds out: the artists of the Laokoon group don't follow Virgil's description in everything, “quod viderent multa ^ auribus, non item oculis convenire et placere ". l6 Introduction: I. Sculpture and Sculptor. discover painting. Finally he cites Virgil as a witness to the accuracy of his observation, which approaches the final judgment of Simonides: that the poet, if he wants to make his descriptions effective, always open aim for an obvious presentation. In these considerations, Gauricus is based on ancient location, but the connection with antiquity is so loose, the changes and additions are so rampant that you can thinks he has independent thoughts in front of him. Also the following remark about the value of the sculpture, which quite a widespread view of the Renaissance corresponds, has an ancient core in it: "Yes, indeed, I would like no one think of a man who is into this sculptural art does not like it; because since we are all body and soul, what is, I ask - if otherwise there is hope for immortality possibility, and we not only live half, but half forever want to pass away - more appropriate, of both the memory too preserve as this art? "^ In power, mentally and physically To donate eternal life, he sees the great advantage that the Honors sculpture. The mind should deal with the knowledge , the body deals with sculptural art, which yes even a special one through Socrates and Roman emperors Received nobility. Like this, Gauricus is in it too practiced from youth to his after strenuous activity Refreshing mental powers in the most dignified way. He closes this part of the first, preparatory, section with the well-known judgment of the ancient writer Philostratos, that only applied to painting, but with the same rights to painting fine arts can be applied in general ^: "Who they", as he adds, the wise imitator of the gods and men and all of nature, “whoever does not embrace love does not love not the truth, it rejects all wisdom, which only ever It is customary to come across poets, which itself shows symmetry * The idea that visual art perpetuates through its representation, can be found in particular by Plinius and Cicero at various times. spoke, but Gauricus came up with it in an original way. * Proömium's initial words on the "E2xdv £ S ** of the older Philostratos. Werth of sculpture. Your origin. 1 7 back without which neither a word nor an act can ever exist. "^ A teacher other than the master According to Aristotle, there is no need for anyone Areas, not even in the area of ​​sculpture. But around nevertheless the need for instructions, like his writing should offer, darzuthun, Gauricus invokes the locked Essence of his art, in whose secrets no one who you no matter how close, without being able to penetrate. The origin of sculpture as that of the rest of the arts he generally attributes to various natural elements, on nature and a certain artistic activity of man (“arti- ficium "), and suggests that this safe knowledge- should not suffice without investigating further how the shadow education people to imitate natural objects have stimulated. So he gives the question of the origin of the Art a different turn than the narrators of those shadows theory, Pliny and Quintilian ^, taking the same from the archaeological to the physiological area. The event let's look, which led to the formation of the first statues he does not recognize by historical perspective, whereby he had distinguished himself from the primitive devices and pictures have to go, but sees the first cause as a child of his time in an effort to fight the envy of the gods, which of the Mortality of the people is the basis. ^ It appears to him as a good sign of the efficiency of the ancient Romans that the most distinguished the busts of famous ancestors in their atria, the scholars not only books but also pictures in their libraries *, but above all that the number of people in Rome ^ Leonardo judges similarly: "Scritti letterari di Lionardo da Vinci", edited by J. P. Richter, No. 652, and "Book of Painting" given by Heinrich Ludwig, Vol. I, No. 12th * Pliny XXXV, 3 (5) 15, 12 (43) 151; Quintilian, lib. X, cap. 2. On the latter passage refers to Alberti, p. 93 of his “Smaller Art Theo- retischen Schriften ", edited by Janitschek, after which the note on p. 233 is to be corrected. The words Leonardo * s are again similar; see. "Scritti letterari di Lionardo da Vinci ", No. 661. Gauricus * theory is found, however also at Quintilian, lib. II, cap. 17th 3 See Pliny XXXIV, 2 (4) 9 to 4 (9) 15, XXXV, 2 (2) il. ■ * Pliny XXXV, 2 (2) 6 and 9. Gauricus. 2nd Ig Kinleitung: I. Sculpture and Sculptor. existing statistics on the number of inhabitants of Rome should be. * In order to be able to cope with his noble and high task, If Ciauricus continues, the artist also has high demands are enough. When the formulinmg the same, the writers took over throughout the Renaissance the views of Roman like Vitruvius at the beginning of his much admired work had said. ^ Now with bigger ones, sometimes with smaller Vitruvius's thoughts were repeated, design partly the personality of the author concerned, partly also the time in which he lived 'were influential. While Alberti expresses scientific education also demands moral goodness from the painter, 'says Gauricus Emphasis on the broadest scholarly education, keen mind, good comprehension, but especially on mathematical and anti Quarian knowledge. It is very important to him that the image hauer know how to portray Caesar as a consul, how he as a dictator and how Scipio should be understood to be excluded his youth also his dignity and his importance for war and look at peace. The artist is even said to be able be accountable to the three-eyed Jupiter in Thes- salia, from the star above the head of Caesar and the like. Further he should be an excellent rider, so his equestrian statues yes not to be defaced by poor fit. Also at the Warning to connect greed for glory with all-round knowledge and Gauricus does not miss being generous. As you can see, its requirements are no small. she are based on the phrase that only the most complete understanding can empower the sculptor, physically and mentally ^ This remark is drawn from Cassiodor, who is in the "Variae", lib. VII, 15 says: "Has (statuas) primum Thusci in Italia invenisse referuntur, quas amplexa posteritas penc parem populum Urbi dedit, quam natuia piocrea- vit "(mentioned by Friedländer," representations from the moral history of Rome ", 4th ed., Vol. I, p. 14; III, p. 181). * "De architectura", lib. I, cap. I. * Alberti's "Smaller Art Theoretical Writings", edited by Jani- tschek, p. 143; see. Q ^ iintilian's Proömium for the "Tnstitutio orntoria". Requirements for the sculptor. * ^ 9 to play. Those who rely on their mere skill and only wanted to use what he liked for the presentation falls would be on the same level as a budding poet or a speaker who gets his words from Virgil or Cicero- steals. After all, it is clear that you first have to grasp what you want to represent. Education and Science- Knowledge is therefore essential for the sculptor. By doing Lack of both, which only a donatello could compensate Gauricus sees the reason why his contemporaries are lagging behind behind the artists of antiquity, - a judgment that, even if it did not do the right thing, at least we noticed it must be because it was certainly the judgment of many of his contemporaries. However, Gauricus does not want to do that in scholarly training see the real goal that the sculptors should strive for, but in the ability to easily invent and design - for which admittedly the study of the old poets is as necessary as it is fruitful. bring. The Phidias who went to school with Homer as he created the Olympic Zeus, the modern sculptors should only would confidently follow, and they would in Homer's verse about polyphemus the best suggestion for making a colossus, in the verses of the statius find a model for an equestrian statue that the boasted Paduan horses of Donatello was still preferable. The which emerge here and are evident throughout the course of Scripture held belief that the visual artist and the poet to be in the closest connection is of ancient origin and only reappeared in the Renaissance, like so many other views in the field of the spiritual Life. The thoughts on which Gauricus discussed in This first, basic sections are not built up sole and original property, but Vitruvius and taken from other ancient writers. However, it would be wrong therefore to have them disregarded as third-party benefits. Because even on this point the Italian Renaissance has the legacy of Started in ancient times. From Vitruv's requirements to the Alberti went out to become an architect, Gauricus has it adopted and elaborated, and added much later 2 * 20 Introduction: I. Sculpture and Sculptor. - II. Symmetry. third, the Milanese painter Lomazzo, she repeats *, only that he, under the influence of another culture, the theological education over preference to antiquarian. Since then the admiration of antiquity has been a passionate one Curiosity had sparked in the Italians, became the artist just about everyone who claimed education, the emergency knowledge of scientific knowledge, and the Witness to the indispensability of the same continued than that Sciences long since, like Paulus Jovius at the end of his Biographies full of sadness noticed, left Italy and moved into foreign countries, especially Germany ^ When Gauricus wrote, Italy was preferably that Land of Science. After these theoretical discussions, as the main result of which The sentence is pronounced that sculpture and knowledge are dependent on each other, Gauricus turns to Sculpture itself ("statuaria"). The diversity of the Materials gives him reason to divide it into five types ^: the art of carving ("tojjlixy"), which is used in the processing of wood or ivory, the clay art ("TcXaaTtxir]"), the production of plaster casts ("TuapaStypiaTtX'ir], exemplar"),the art of stone processing ("xoXaTCTtXK], scalptura"), the metal art ("• yXu9i.xiQ, sculptura"), which also by the Metallschmieden (") ^ aXxsl (;") is operated '. Since the difference of these types lies solely in the material, beings and purpose agree with all, it is sufficient to be proficient in one of them in order to understand everyone to win. For this it will be advantageous to choose the type whose technology shows the greatest variety, i.e. the metal ^ Lomazzo, "Idea del tempio della pittura", cap. VIII, and "Tratatto doli ' arte della pittura, scultura ed architettura ", Proemio. * "Elogia doctorum viromni" (Basileae 1556), p. 291. ^ He does not follow Pliny, Quintilian (Hb. II, cap. 21) or Philostratos (Proömium; exclusively. Types of sculpture. - ^ symmetry of the human body. 2 1 art, the sculpture in the narrower sense. Gauricus wants to be with her therefore deal with it in detail below. Bustle and casting, "ductoria" and "fusoria", as he says, the two subspecies of the "sculptura". The next four sections should deal with the requirements of the art of driving * but do not realize at all that they are actually only a narrowly limited Art genre to the subject. The first of these is the Dedicated to symmetry. II. Symmetry, The basic ideas on which the executions of this section based, betray the study of Greek philosophy and can be briefly reproduced in the following sentences: In we admire everything that nature has created metry, but primarily in humans. Now with him it is from be of two kinds, according to the two constituents to which man exists: the matter that forms the body, and the shape that gives it the characteristic appearance borrows. We see the human body as a harmonious, completely perfect tool in all parts, and its is also described by harmonic lines. ^ From With such conviction, Gauricus felt tirelessly Harmony of body dimensions. The first pointer, like him Vitruvius gave him to do this, but he did so during the course the investigation far behind Hess. The unit of measure, says Gauricus, has the sensible one Nature the highest part of the body, the face *, determined. The same consists of three equal parts, the first of which from the hairline to between the eyebrows (to the "Intercilien"), the second to the lower end of the nose, ^ A compact overview of the same is given on p. Lo. 2 Platonic here is the idea of ​​harmony (cf. "Timaeos", 69, 90), Aristotelian the separation into matter and Fomi (physics, ex. I, cap. 10, lib. II, cap. i). '"De architectura", lib. III, cap. I. * See Plato, "Timaeos **, 90. 2 2 Introduction: II. Symmetry. the third reaches to the bottom of the chin. The first part seems to him as the seat of wisdom, the second as the seat of beauty, the third as the seat of kindness. If you multiply the triple, which is the basis of this natural division of the face, so you get the number of units of measure, from which the Length of the human body. From nine The full length of the adult man's body is accordingly exist, at least as a rule, although sometimes there are softenings of seven to ten face lengths. In his way, Gauricus goes very thoroughly by: first the lengths of the body parts, then their width and finally measures its size, the main concern of which is to her Find the relationship to the dimensions of the face. Eight face lengths distribute easily on that Face (one), trunk (three) and legs to the ankles (two each on the thigh and lower leg); the ninth will be the missing intermediate and border pieces of the body - summarized: the three pieces from the parting to the hairline, from the chin to the base of the chest, and from the ankles to the sole. More difficult is the calculation in the latitude of the body, however the desired result that you get namely when the arms are spread the body length, i.e. nine view lengths, if you put two on the chest, on the arms up to three finger joints and on the fingers of both hands together calculates a face length. Further measurements now show that between individual analogies of the face take place and even the fingers repeat. So z. B. the chin so far from Protruding neck as the tip of the nose is removed from the intercilia, and the tip of the nose again so far out of sight protrude as the distance from the nose to the mouth. The Hand is as long as the face. The first link of the middle finger corresponds to the distance from the chin and nose, the second from Chin and mouth, the third of the mouth and nose. For the This is the width of the forehead and eyes, as well as for the ears The height of the forehead is decisive. The circumference of head and neck is the same, and the size of the limbs is never times more than their length. Proportions. Different sizes of the statues. 23 In all these conditions, the Gauricus even more into pursued individually, the perfect musical harmony occurs Days that the Creator has placed in the human body and which everyone who reproduces man must understand and don't want to be like a bad writer who speaks the words messes up for good luck. These proportions can be found now evenly for all people, whether big or small be before and suffer only in children, maybe even in old people, a change. From the mention of the size differences and the nevertheless Gauricus takes the same symmetry, to speak the relationships of the pictures in detail. His ex We look for guides through figure i (on the following page) clarify. He starts from the "life-size" statues and finds that one builds the same men well deserved in ancient times have. Except for busts ^, he says, but people have recently started to love them same use the second way, the "big or majestic "statues (up to one and a half life size) which previously only kings were set. Then come the "bigger ones" Statues (up to twice the size of life), and the "really big ones colossal "(" colossi ", in triplicate or even greater magnification ^), the former the heroes, the latter the old gods came, however, as the colossus of Heraclius in Barletta shows were claimed by regents. In the same way there are three types of slatuen differentiated under life size: "small", "smaller" and "whole small "(up to six ninths, three ninths and one ninth the size of life). ^ The mysterious expression "capiciati" means busts, breast pictures, in contrast to statues in full figure. Capitium was named after Varro f "De lingua latina", V, 30) a garment "from eo quod capit pectus". 2 Assuming that a colossus is at least three times the life size must sit, the horse tamers of Monte Cavallo in Rome have given. Cellini (“Della scultura” *, cap. 7) also mentions statues in this Big colossi, of course only "colossi mezzani", which he still called "colossi grandi ** juxtaposed. 24